Finstad kept promising farmers the pain was temporary — from April 2025 through February 2026. He voted twice to protect the tariffs causing it, while Chinese orders for the fall soybean harvest sat at zero.
As Ohio House speaker, Husted stripped the one-year window that would have let survivors of clergy sexual abuse sue after their deadline had passed. Survivors filled the Statehouse halls. He took a side door into the chamber, and they sued him for meeting behind closed doors.
Steube sued to stop proxy voting and promised in writing never to use it. Nine months later he filed a false letter with the House clerk so he could go speak at a political conference in Orlando.
Salazar posed with oversized checks for a children's hospital, a university, an airport and a road project — all paid for by bills she voted no on. Caught on camera, she said she forgot. She is still counting that money as hers today.
Eight days into Trump's second term, Rep. Anna Paulina Luna filed a bill to add his face to Mount Rushmore. Eighteen months later it has zero cosponsors, zero action, and the engineer who monitored the mountain's rock says it was never physically possible.
Chemours' PAC gave Michael Whatley $5,000 — the first time it has ever spent in a North Carolina Senate race. WUNC asked him three questions about PFAS. His campaign didn't answer an email or a text.
Constituents brought cupcakes to Medicare and Medicaid's 61st birthday outside Malliotakis' district office. More than 42,000 people in her district are projected to lose health coverage from the bill she voted for.
A dark-money group is running an ad calling Blackburn 'queen pharma mama.' Her lawyers say it's defamation. The underlying record — a 2016 law that stripped the DEA's power to immediately freeze suspicious opioid shipments — is real.
Rick Jackson has already put over $100 million of his own money into the Georgia governor's race. Now he's adding an $87 million ad buy — while running on the claim that his wealth makes him incorruptible.